If you add those who condemn Russia but do not support Western sanctions, the figure even rises to two-thirds of the world's population. It should be noted that the vast majority of these countries are located in Eurasia and Africa along China's "New Silk Road". Despite international criticism, the Chinese government has yet to condemn the Russian aggression. On the contrary: In February, Moscow and Beijing reaffirmed their "unlimited friendship" and signed a comprehensive alliance agreement between the two countries. Clearly, the war is leading to Russia's unilateral political and economic dependence on China.
In turn, Beijing could use its dependence on Russia to extend its reach to the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. But the war also poses a huge fax number list risk for China: Contrary to its own foreign policy principles, China has lost enormous credibility as a power in the future world order with its vague attitude towards Russia's war offensive. Beyond Chinese influence, the reasons and motivations for supporting—or at least not condemning—Russia's state are diverse: from strategic and economic interests and dependencies, to historical ties, to anti-Western responses.
However, it must be said that the emerging world order cannot simply be reduced to a confrontation between liberal democracies and authoritarian states. History shows that phases of dramatic changes in political power tend to be particularly unstable and crisis-prone. One of the few exceptions remains the peaceful end of the East-West conflict of 1989-1990, mainly due to Willie Brandt's policy of peace and de-escalation, and the multi-year negotiations within the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE): It is those agreements and institutions that Moscow is currently wreaking havoc. It remains highly doubtful that reliable relations with Russia can be restored under Putin's regency. In the coming years, if not decades, the European order could see a phase of confrontation, or at best, of coexistence.